The Cable News Network Essay Example for Free

The Cable News Network Essay The Cable News Network (CNN) is considered as one of the most respectable institutions in the field of news reporting. The CNN is a television network owned by the Time Warner as the news division of the Turner Broadcasting System. It is a television network that renders a 24-hour news coverage which includes the events that are taking place in other countries. According to Nielsen, a statistical organization measuring TV ratings, CNN ranked number two in America, trailing behind Fox News in terms of total audience (Project for Excellence in Journalism, 2007). Due to its respectable position in its chosen field, its reportage should be characterized by honesty and accuracy. To stress further the importance of news reportage, it is better to present it with statistics and statements. For instance, a news report that pertains to business utilizes mostly statistics, while some news reports that are politics-related quote the various officials pertinent to the news story. One of the recent news today which is widely debated and deliberated is the $700 billion bail-out fund intended to help out the troubled institutions due to the financial crisis that the nation is experiencing. Poppy Harlow, one of the CNN’s newscasters, made a report about the bail-out proposal. The main objective of Harlow’s reporting is to explain the meaning and the intention of the rescue bill and why the government is wiling to release such funds for it (â€Å"Heres the plan,† 2008). The 110-page bail-out proposal has been finally approved by the Congress. The minor legislative wing released the bill last Sunday evening. It is expected that the bill will take fast-track motions up to the Senate by Wednesday. The bill is based on the proposal of the Treasury Secretary, Henry Paulson, who requested the government to acquire troubled businesses so the banks can start lending money and perform properly (Sahadi, 2008). The bill mainly features the Troubled Asset Relief Program (TARP). Through this program, the government will buy assets that are experiencing financial crisis. The fund released is equal to the fund Paulson requested, but the first $250 billion will be allocated to save the U. S. economy. The members of the prevailing political parties in the U. S. are concerned with the possibility that the taxpayers will pay for the bail-out proposal. Thus, they added several conditions to protect the taxpayers (Sahadi, 2008). Poppy Harlow reported the facts in a straight and concise manner. She did not exaggerate nor make the story light. She made the story sensible to every American and delivered it in such a way that every American would be concerned with the prevailing issue. Though the news report lacks direct quotation, she included the previous statements of Henry Paulson, the Treasury Secretary, about his proposal and his plans before it was approved as a bill. This supports the news story, feeding the public with information that they might miss. The statements are also utilized as an explanation or additional information for the news being reported. The news report also provides an example of what might happen if the plan will be carried out (â€Å"Heres the plan,† 2008). Poppy Harlow reported with fairness. She rendered the news without much difficulty. In this way, people coming from various sectors will be able to understand the news. The words are not highly-technical, and if there are words that are relevant for the public to know, Harlow provided an explanation or a working definition of the concept (â€Å"Heres the plan,† 2008). In news reporting, the statistical data, testimonials, and the examples play important roles in the news report, for they further expound the topic or the news reported for the better understanding of the audiences. References Heres the plan: Congressional leaders reach a tentative agreement on a $700 billion economic bailout plan. (2008, September 28). CNNMoney. com [Webcast Transcript]. Retrieved September 28, 2008 from http://money. cnn. com/video/#/video/news/2008/09/28/news. harlow. bailout. 092808. cnnmoney Project for Excellence in Journalism (2007). Economics. The State of the News Media 2007. Retrieved September 29, 2008 from http://www. stateofthenewsmedia. org/2007/narrative_cabletv_audience. asp? cat=3media=6. Sahadi, J. (2008, September 28). Rescue bill unveiled. CNNMoney. com. BigCharts. com. Retrieved September 29, 2008 from http://money. cnn. com/2008/09/28/news/economy/Sunday_talks_bailout/index. htm? cnn=yes.

The Cycle of Fashion Essay -- Fashion Style Mode Essays

The Cycle of Fashion Fashion is fuelled by conversion. Designers continually persuade the public that their new ideas, however shocking they may seem, are in fact everything that a stylish wardrobe requires. Next season, the same designers convince everyone to give up their allegiance to such out-modish designs and embrace instead the innovative visual trends of the latest collections. The same garments are successively dubbed 'outlandish', 'in fashion' and 'out-dated' according to the apparent vagaries of prevailing fashionable sensibilities. Are we really duped by such duplicity? Or are we willing participants in the cycle of fashion? And perhaps more significantly, what relevance does the cycle have today in Western society's culture of mass consumerism? The idea that fashion in dress follows a cyclical phase structure is not new. The sociologist, Quentin Bell made such an observation over fifty years ago in his book, On Human Finery. Moreover, his observation was based on accumulated evidence of an uninterrupted cyclical flow in dress change in Western society since at least the thirteenth century. The sociologist, Ingrid Brenninkmeyer describes this flow by comparing it to the rolling of waves in the sea. As one fashion gains popularity, crests and dissipates, another stylistic wave is already forming behind it. Further extensions of this metaphor liken different stylistic features to variations in the waves themselves. For example, just as different wave patterns form on the basis of their force, size or length, so also different overlapping patterns can be traced in changes of fashionable hem length, silhouette, fabric, dà ©colletage and colour. Mere descriptions of the fashion cycle however do little to explain exactly why successful designers? ideas typically rise and fall in popularity. What is the motivating force behind such changes in fashion? What causes the cycle to move from one phase to the next? These questions cannot be answered simply. Perhaps sheer boredom inspires the continual search for something new. Or can novelty be related to ideas of sexual allure and attraction? Do competing market interests in the fashion industry play a role in animating the cycle? Or could changes in dress function as markers of class differentiation? These factors and more have been variously proposed and analysed by researchers into the socio... ...n's clothing? To look at the men's side of underwear is different." One page of the calendar (April) does depict men's undershirts from the 18th and 19th centuries. Even the English language has been influenced by undergarments. Several popular expressions make reference to underwear: "Loose woman" comes from the connotations associated with uncorseted or loosely corseted women, Queen says. A similar case is "shiftless"; a shift was an 18th century support-providing undergarment, and Queen says the term was meant to characterize someone "without support." Many people believe that underwear for women has changed as it has because of feminism and changing social attitudes. To a large degree, that's true, Queen says, but there are other factors as well. In the past, undergarments were often designed for their "body-shaping" features. But these days, thanks to the increase in exercise and athleticism among women, "the body has become its own foundation" and women no longer need to rely on cloth and whalebone for this purpose, she says. "The choice," says Queen, "is do we want to spend three hours a day in the gym to sculpt the body, or do we want to put on a piece of cloth?"

Impact of the Internet in Our Life

Available online at www. sciencedirect. com Computers in Human Behavior Computers in Human Behavior 24 (2008) 2005–2013 www. elsevier. com/locate/comphumbeh Impact of the Internet on our lives: Male and female personal perspectives Ann Colley *, John Maltby School of Psychology, University of Leicester, Henry Wellcome Building, Lancaster Road, Leicester LE1 9HN, UK Available online 30 October 2007 Abstract Gender di? erences in Internet access and usage have been found in a number of previous investigations. The study reported here extends this work by providing an analysis of the impact of the Internet on men’s and women’s lives.A content analysis of 200 postings from men and 200 from women, on the topic of ‘‘Has the Internet changed your life’’ invited by a news website, was undertaken then examined for gender di? erences. Results showed more women’s postings mentioned having made new friends or having met their partner, renewin g old friendships, accessing information and advice, studying online, and shopping and booking travel online, while more men’s postings mentioned that the Internet had helped or given them a career, positive socio-political e? ects, and negative aspects of the technology.The results are interpreted as supporting the view that the Internet represents an extension of broader social roles and interests in the ‘‘o? ine’’ world. O 2007 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. Keywords: Internet; Gender; Gender roles; Gender di? erences 1. Introduction ‘‘The Internet is my job, my high street, my supermarket and my international social playground’’ (Female participant 63). Usage of the Internet continues to increase worldwide. In the UK 57% of households now have access, in comparison to 46% four years ago (National Statistics, 2006).The * Corresponding author. Tel. : +44 (0) 116 229 7188; fax: +44 (0) 116 229 7196. E-mail address: [ema il  protected] ac. uk (A. Colley). 0747-5632/$ – see front matter O 2007 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved. doi:10. 1016/j. chb. 2007. 09. 002 2006 A. Colley, J. Maltby / Computers in Human Behavior 24 (2008) 2005–2013 Digital Future Project in the US has found that 78. 6% of Americans went online in 2005, with an accompanying increase in the amount of time spent per week on the Internet (Centre for the Digital Future, 2005).A number of factors have been found to relate to access and use, including socioeconomic variables, demographic variables, and education (e. g. Bimber, 2000; Wasserman & Richmond-Abbott, 2005). One signi? cant area of research over the last decade has investigated the impact of the Internet upon di? erent social groups and inevitably work on gender di? erences has been at the forefront, with concerns about the presence and impact of a ‘‘gender gap’’ in Internet access and usage. A number of investigators (e. g. Sherman e t al. , 2000) have investigated this gender gap in Internet use.Bimber (2000) found gaps in both access and use among US adults, and concluded that, while access di? erences can be accounted for by socioeconomic and other factors that a? ect women and men di? erentially, the gap in use was due at least in part to gender-speci? c factors such as the male stereotype of computers, cultural associations between gender and technology and gendered cognitive and communication preferences. However, there is growing evidence that the gender gap in access is closing or has closed with more women coming online, and that the gap in use of the Internet is still present but may also be closing (e. . Cummings & Kraut, 2002; Ono & Zavodny, 2003; Wasserman & Richmond-Abbott, 2005). There continues to be a gender gap in usage in the UK: the latest ? gures from adults in a nationally representative sample of UK households show that 40% of women had never used the Internet in comparison with 30% of men , and 55% of women had used the Internet within the 3 months prior to the survey in comparison with 65% of men (National Statistics, 2006). In addition, there are further gaps in the frequency and nature of use that appear to remain (Odell, Korgen, Schumacher, &Delucchi, 2000; Ono & Zavodny, 2003; Wasserman & Richmond-Abbott, 2005). One of the issues that was highlighted early on in investigations of the gender gap, concerns the negative e? ect of the link between the Internet and computer technology. This area grew from work on gender di? erences in computer attitudes and use more generally, which showed more negative computer attitudes (Durndell & Thomson, 1997; Whitley, 1997), lower female self-con? dence and higher computer anxiety among females (McIlroy, Bunting, Tierney, & Gordon, 2001; Todman, 2000).The possibility raised in the literature was that girls and women were being discouraged from using the Internet because of its delivery via a computer interface, and because of t he association of the kinds of operations required to interact with it with traditional masculine technology. Indeed, computer attitudes and Internet attitudes have been found to be linked (Liaw, 2002; Schumacher & Morahan-Martin, 2001), and experience using the Internet has been found to predict both (Liaw, 2002). Durndell and Haag (2002) found higher computer self-e? acy, more positive Internet attitudes, longer Internet use and lower computer anxiety among male than female students, and gender was independently linked to Internet experience. Similarly, Joiner et al. (2005) found that a signi? cant relationship between gender and use of the Internet remained, after controlling for Internet identi? cation and Internet anxiety. This may be due to a number of other factors, and Joiner et al. suggest that self-e? cacy and expectancy of success may be fruitful areas to pursue. In addition, it seems that there are di? erential e? cts of experience upon anxiety in using the technology am ong men and women: Broos (2005) found that experience decreased anxiety among men but had little e? ect for women. Alongside investigations of the gender gap in use of the Internet, there is a growing body of research on di? erences in the use of the Internet for di? erent functions by males A. Colley, J. Maltby / Computers in Human Behavior 24 (2008) 2005–2013 2007 and females. This is a crucial area to pursue in order to understand the gender gap, since amount of use is inextricably linked to the functions erformed and the bene? ts of them for an individual. The number of potential functions of the Internet is very substantial and the activities are diverse. The current top Internet activities in the US are e-mail (top), general sur? ng, access to news, shopping, reading entertainment news, ? nding information about hobbies, online banking, accessing medical information, instant messaging and accessing information about and booking travel (Center for the Digital Future, 200 5).The available evidence points to variations in exploiting these functions of the Internet by its male and female users: women are more likely to regard it as a tool or means to an end, while men regard it as technology to play with and master (Singh, 2001; Turkle, 1984). For example, Tsai and Lin (2004) found gender di? erences in perceptions of the Internet among adolescents: males perceived its use as a source of enjoyment or ‘‘toy’’, while females took a more practical approach and perceived it as a ‘‘tool’’, ‘‘technology’’ or ‘‘tour’’ (providing the ability to navigate around di? rent sites and people). One area of Internet use that has attracted attention among investigators is interpersonal communication. This is due to the association of functions facilitated by electronic communication with the expressive and communal aspects of femininity, such as the potential for use in self-expression and the facility to communicate readily with family and friends. Thus, it was expected that women might engage with the Internet for such purposes, despite having lower self-e? cacy in relation to computer use.Jackson, Ervin, Gardner and Schmidt (2001) predicted that women would use e-mail more and men use the Web for information more, based on the greater interpersonal orientation of women and greater task orientation of men. This prediction was supported in a large sample of Anglo-American undergraduates, even after computer self-e? cacy, loneliness and depression were controlled for. Wasserman and Richmond-Abbott (2005) found that women use e-mail slightly but not signi? cantly more than men but that men use chat rooms more. A similar ? nding was obtained by Sherman et al. 2000) who found higher participation in chat groups among men, but higher e-mail use among women, and these di? erences remained among successive cohorts of students in the late 1990s, despi te generally higher use of the Internet. Women’s preference for e-mail and men’s for chat rooms re? ects the di? erent purposes of the two types of communication: e-mail facilitates personal contact with friends and family, while chat rooms can be anonymous and provide an arena for the display of power di? erentials present in society more generally (Wasserman & Richmond-Abbott, 2005). There are some null ? dings with respect to gender di? erences in e-mail use (e. g. Joiner et al. , 2005; Schumacher & Morahan-Martin, 2001), but methodological di? erences between studies may account for such disparities. With respect to other uses of the Internet, there is evidence that some of these too are gendered. Men are more likely to use game web sites (Joiner et al. , 2005; Sherman et al. , 2000; Weiser, 2000), download material (Joiner et al. , 2005; Teo & Lim, 2000), browsing or seek specialist information (Jackson et al. , 2001; Joiner et al. , 2005; Teo & Lim, 2000; Weiser, 2000). These ? dings provide additional support for the notion that men’s use of the Internet is more task-oriented than women’s, and the tendency for women to use e-mail more accords with their greater interpersonal orientation (Jackson et al. , 2001). They also support the male ‘‘toy’’ versus female ‘‘tool’’ distinction (Tsai & Lin, 2004). The research literature on gender and the Internet suggests that gender stereotypes play a powerful role in this as in other areas of human activity. Sherman et al. (2000) concluded 2008 A. Colley, J. Maltby / Computers in Human Behavior 24 (2008) 2005–2013 hat we need to appreciate that ‘‘online behaviors and attitudes are extensions of o? ine social processes and relationships’’ (p. 893). If that is the case, what impact has the Internet had on the everyday lives of the men and women who use it? With respect to women, Morahan-Martin (2000) concl uded that it has brought both promise and peril. The perils are an inevitable consequence of the features that empower – freedom of expression and free access to information, since these also permit the ampli? cation of behaviors and perspectives that support the gendered power di? rential. What has been its impact upon men? Is the Internet just another arena in which gender is performed? The empirical research reviewed here has focused upon usage and patterns of usage, rather than impact from the point of view of the user. The purpose of the data analysis reported here is to provide a picture of the impact of the Internet on the everyday lives of men and women. 2. Method 2. 1. Participants and data collection On 24th July 2006, the BBC News website posted a topic for discussion on its ‘‘Have Your Say’’ discussion section (http://news. bbc. co. k/1/hi/talking_point/default. stm), with the title ‘‘Has the Internet changed your life? â€⠄¢Ã¢â‚¬â„¢. The invitation issued to prospective contributors was to post personal stories about life in the digital age and how the Internet has changed their lives. The majority of contributors to this site used names rather than pseudonyms. There were substantially more postings from men, but the site was monitored until there were 200 postings from female contributors, then these together, with 200 postings randomly selected from among the male contributors were downloaded for analysis.The sample came from approximately 1200 postings during the period 24th July and 4th August. Selection for analysis was only undertaken if the name of the contributor was unambiguously male or female. The majority of the postings (92%) gave the town or country of origin, with 48% of the total postings being from the UK, 25% from the US and Canada, 7% from mainland Europe, and the remainder from the rest of the World. 2. 2. Data coding A content analysis was undertaken to derive category frequencie s for analysis.Coding was undertaken based upon content categories derived both from the existing literature and from a sample of the postings. These categories were: 1. Easy and cheap contact with family and friends (through e-mail, instant messaging etc. ) 2. Made new friends (through chat room, discussion forum, etc. ) 3. Renewed contact with old friends/family 4. Met partner/spouse (through chat rooms, dating sites etc. ) 5. International news sites 6. General information acquisition/research 7. Therapeutic/medical advice 8.Support for those with access/mobility problems 9. Entertainment (music, radio, movies, games, hobbies) 10. Travel booking A. Colley, J. Maltby / Computers in Human Behavior 24 (2008) 2005–2013 2009 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. Online education Trading Banking Shopping Job enhancement (increased e? ciency/? exibility) Job hunting Assisted career path Job in industry Studying online Socio-political e? ects (global access to information, democ ratization of information, bringing humanity together) 21. Negative e? cts (pornography, phishing, spam, viruses, bad use of time, addiction, reduction of face-to-face contact, availability of illegal items, proliferation of uncensored information, etc. ) Reliability of coding was established in a 20% sample from the postings. Across all categories this yielded substantial agreement (Cohen’s Kappa = 0. 78), with no individual categories yielding ? gures below the substantial range (Landis & Koch, 1977). Gender di? erences were then examined using v2 tests. 3. Results Gender di? erences were found in the frequency with which a number of the categories were present in the postings (see Table 1).Chi square tests revealed that a higher proportion Table 1 Frequency of appearance of coding categories by gender Category Contact with family and friends Made new friends Renewed contact with old friends/family Met partner/spouse International news sites General information acquisition/ research Therapeutic/medical advice Support for access/mobility problems Entertainment Travel booking Online education Trading Banking Shopping Job enhancement Job hunting Assisted career path Job in industry Socio-political e? ects Negative e? ects * ** % Men 25. 0 10. 0 4. 0 8. 5 9. 5 25. 5 2. 5 4. 0 12. 5 1. 5 2. 0 3. 0 6. 12. 5 6. 0 1. 5 12. 0 12. 0 12. 5 31. 0 % Women 30. 5 20. 5 20. 0 22. 5 19. 5 36. 0 7. 0 5. 0 10. 0 6. 0 6. 5 7. 0 7. 0 20. 5 7. 5 3. 5 4. 0 6. 0 5. 0 21. 0 v2 (1) n. s. 8. 53** 5. 50* 14. 97** 8. 07** 5. 18* 4. 48* n. s. n. s. 5. 60* 4. 98* n. s. n. s. 4. 63* n. s. n. s. 8. 70** 4. 40* 7. 05** 5. 20* p < . 05. p < . 01. 2010 A. Colley, J. Maltby / Computers in Human Behavior 24 (2008) 2005–2013 of women’s postings mentioned having made new friends, having renewed contact with old friends or family members, having met their partner or spouse online, access to international news sites, being able to ? d information easily, accessing medical or ther apeutic advice, studying online, booking travel online and shopping online. A higher proportion of men’s posting mentioned that the Internet had played a role in their career path, that they had found employment in the industry, positive socio-political e? ects and negative aspects of the Internet. 4. Discussion The ? ndings from this study extend those of existing research on Internet usage by providing information on what men and women perceive as important to them. In some cases the ? ndings accord with the usage data, while in others they do not.With respect to interpersonal communication, our ? ndings show no di? erence in the frequency with which Internet-assisted contact with friends and family was cited as being an aspect of the Internet which had changed the lives of men and women. It is worth noting however, this was the second most frequent category occurring in postings from both sexes. Studies of usage have produced a range of results on gender di? erences in the use of e-mail, although on balance the ? ndings have suggested slightly more or signi? cantly more use by women (e. g. Sherman et al. , 2000; Wasserman & Richmond-Abbott, 2005). Our ? dings suggest that the impact upon men’s and women’s lives may be similar, although of course there may be di? erences in the way in which men and women enact relationships electronically (Boneva, Kraut, & Frohlich, 2001). Di? erential impact is evident in women’s higher frequency of mention of using Internet sites to make new friends, meet partners and renew old acquaintances, supporting the notion that women’s interpersonal orientation will in? uence their Internet behavior (Jackson et al. , 2001). This ? nding is of interest in the context of men’s greater usage of chat room sites found by Sherman et al. 2000) and Wasserman and Richmond-Abbott (2005), although our content category was not speci? c to chat rooms alone. It is nevertheless possible that men and women use such sites for different purposes and gain di? erent kinds or rewards from them: our data suggest that women place greater value on the facility to expand their social networks, whereas it is possible that men’s motives may be more mixed. Wasserman and Richmond-Abbott’s suggestion that men may be more likely to use them to play interpersonal games and display power may be relevant here, and accords with ? dings that men are more likely to be dishonest in chat room interactions (Whitty & Gavin, 2001) and lie about their sex, education, income and occupation (Whitty, 2002). There is a growing literature on the nature of online relationships and the characteristics of those who participate in them (e. g. Cheng, Chan, & Tong, 2006; McCown, Fischer, Page, & Homant, 2001) and it would be pro? table to examine gender di? erences in motivation to engage in interpersonal behaviors on the Internet in more detail. The most frequently cited positive e? ct overall was the abil ity to access general information on the Internet, although it was present in a higher proportion of women’s than men’ postings. This result contrasts with the usage ? ndings (Jackson et al. , 2001; Joiner et al. , 2005; Teo & Lim, 2000; Weiser, 2000), but supports the notion of women’s more practical approach and stronger perception of the Internet as a ‘‘tour’’ (Tsai & Lin, 2004), which may also explain their more frequent mention of news sites. The women’s more practical approach is also evident in their higher frequency of mention of accessing A. Colley, J. Maltby / Computers in Human Behavior 24 (2008) 2005–2013 011 online education, therapeutic advice, booking travel and shopping. However, gender differences were not present in other practical uses such as trading, banking and accessing sources of entertainment. In order to explain the pattern of ? ndings, it is necessary to take into account the broader context of g ender di? erences in social role demands and accompanying gender-related traits (e. g. Eagly, 1987; Eagly, Wood, & Diekman, 2000), in which the domestic vs. external distinction di? erentiates the focus and interests of women and men. Our data suggest that this distinction may underpin the impact of the Internet on men and women.The Internet in? uences women’s lives more than men’s in facilitating new interpersonal interactions, providing access to information from the domestic sphere, and facilitating the purchase of goods, and in? uences men’s lives more than women’s by providing employment or assisting career development. In addition there was greater evidence in the postings from men of awareness of the global impact of the technology, for example, ‘‘Never have so many people been empowered to make a real di? erence and get their message heard’’, (male participant 159).This external awareness is also evident in men’s m ore frequent mention of the negative impacts, ‘‘A disadvantage is the anonymity. . .. idiots can spread their madness, insult others etc. all without fear of being uncovered. A 60-year-old suddenly becomes an 18-year-old and vice-versa’’, (male participant 108). The gender di? erence in relation to negative impacts, however, raises several further possibilities. One may be that women’s greater interpersonal orientation simply results in a tendency to emphasize the good rather than the bad in responding to the discussion issue on the site.Alternatively, women’s more domestic focus may make them less concerned about the broader context and in particular the ‘perils’ of the Internet in relation to power and exploitation (Morahan-Martin, 2000), so ironically, one outcome of the tendency of the Internet to re? ect traditional gender divisions may be to reduce women’s awareness that this is the case. There are some limitations as sociated with using this kind of methodology which are shared with studies of computer-mediated communication in discussion lists (e. g.Herring, 1993), and which relate to the lack of information on the sample. For example, no data on age is available and this may be a relevant variable in relation to impact, since younger users will have grown up with the Internet, while older users will have adapted to its use. However, there is no reason to assume that their distributions among the males and females in the sample should vary and introduce a systematic bias. There is no information available on experience, which may show a gender di? erence since women’s widespread use of the Internet has been more recent than that of men.Whether or how length of experience might in? uence perceptions of the impact of the Internet cannot therefore be answered here but would be a suitable topic for further investigation. Finally, the sample is drawn from those who visit a news website rather than users of the Internet in general so could be regarded as representing a part of the population with a particular pro? le of interests. However, news websites are visited by a signi? cant proportion of the population: this was the third largest use of the Internet in a US survey for 2005 (Centre for the DigitalFuture, 2005) and 35% of a recent sample of UK citizens had accessed on-line news in the last three months (National Statistics, 2006). One signi? cant advantage of using this kind of data is that the areas appearing in the sample of postings are those that spontaneously occur to those submitting them, without prompting from an investigator. Consideration of the advantages and limitations of using the postings as data raises a further gender di? erence, which relates to the acquisition of the quota sample used. There were very substantially more postings on the site from men than women, even when ambiguous 012 A. Colley, J. Maltby / Computers in Human Behavior 24 (2008) 2 005–2013 names were discounted. While this may partly re? ect a residual gender gap in access, it also provides a clear illustration of the di? erent uses of the Internet by men and women, which are attributable to socio-cultural factors and therefore likely to remain (Wasserman & Richmond-Abbott, 2005). Interestingly, Fuller (2004) found that use of the Internet by men and women in the US for political activities, such as accessing information was broadly equal but that women were less likely to post to a political discussion group.It seems, therefore, that it is the opportunity to engage in an anonymous form of interpersonal interaction in which knowledge and power may be displayed (Wasserman & Richmond-Abbott, 2005) that attracts more male postings to sites like the one studied here. The analysis of this sample of postings has produced a picture of what men and women who use the Internet regard as the areas with major impact on their lives. Our content analysis produced a number of gender di? erences which show that the perceived impact of the Internet broadly re? cts the concerns and motivations associated with men’s and women’s gendered social roles. McGert (2000) argued that viewing online behavior as separate from o? ine behavior produces an unhelpful dichotomy, and in order to understand the impact of Internet technology it is necessary to situate it within the gendered practices that impact on people’s everyday lives. Our data support that view and the conclusion of Sherman et al. (2000) that gender di? erences in online behavior will continue for as long as they exist more generally. References Bimber, B. (2000).Measuring the gender gap on the Internet. Social Science Quarterly, 81, 868–876. Boneva, B. , Kraut, R. , & Frohlich, D. (2001). Using e-mail for personal relationships. The di? erence gender makes. American Behavioral Scientist, 45, 530–549. Broos, A. (2005). Gender and information and communication technologies (ICT) anxiety: Male self-assurance and female hesitation. Cyberpsychology & Behavior, 8, 21–31. Center for the Digital Future (2005). 2005 Digital Future Report. Los Angeles: USC Annenberg School. Cheng, G. H. L. , Chan, D. K. S. , & Tong, P. Y. (2006).Qualities of online friendships with di? erent gender compositions and durations. Cyberpsychology & Behavior, 9, 14–21. Cummings, J. N. , & Kraut, R. (2002). Domesticating computers and the Internet. Information Society, 18, 221–231. Durndell, A. , & Haag, Z. (2002). Computer self-e? cacy, computer anxiety, attitudes towards the Internet and reported experience with the Internet, by gender, in an East European sample. Computers in Human Behavior, 18, 521–535. Durndell, A. , & Thomson, K. (1997). Gender and computing: a decade of change? Computers and Education, 28, 1–9.Eagly, A. H. (1987). Sex di? erences in social behavior: A social role interpretation. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. Eagly, A. H. , Wood, W. , & Diekman, A. B. (2000). Social role theory of sex di? erences and similarities: A current appraisal. In T. Eckes & H. M. Taunter (Eds. ), The developmental social psychology of gender (pp. 123–174). Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. Fuller, J. E. (2004). Equality in cyberdemocracy? Guaging gender gaps in on-line civic participation. Social Science Quarterly, 85, 938–957. Herring, S. C. (1993). Gender and democracy in computer-mediated communication.Electronic Journal of Communication 3, http://ella. slis. indiana. edu/herring/ejc. txt/. Jackson, L. A. , Ervin, K. S. , Gardner, P. D. , & Schmitt, N. (2001). Gender and the Internet: Women communicating and men searching. Sex Roles, 44, 363–379. Joiner, R. , Gavin, J. , Du? eld, J. , Brosnan, M. , Crook, C. , Durndell, A. , et al. (2005). Gender, Internet identi? cation, and Internet anxiety: Correlates of Internet use. Cyberpsychology & Behavior, 8, 371–378. Landis, J. , & Koch, G. (1977). 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Political Forces in the Glass Ceiling Free Essays

Despite all of the political forces on the side of women who attempt to break through the glass ceiling, limited progress has been made. Numerous studies lament the virtual absence of women in the elite tier of corporate positions: chief executive officer, chairman, president, and executive vice president. Unfair employment practices strengthen the glass ceiling and hinder the advancement of women in the workplace. We will write a custom essay sample on Political Forces in the Glass Ceiling or any similar topic only for you Order Now These practices include sexual harassment, sexual discrimination, and pregnancy discrimination. Although activists have succeeded in getting stronger laws passed, such as the Civil Rights Act of 1991, true progress eliminating the glass ceiling must be based on private sector initiatives. The Civil Rights Act of 1991 gives women considerable more clout in their defense against discrimination than did the Civil Rights Act of 1964. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 prohibited discrimination against women who successfully filed suit against their employers for unfair practices. The Act also states that these women can only receive back pay and reinstatement in their old jobs. However, the 1991 Civil Rights Act, incorporated previous laws while also easing the burden on employees suing to prove job discrimination. Within the new law, a successful litigant can collect monetary damages, as well as, request a jury trial, sue in conjunction with others who have received similar unfair treatment in the workplace, and request the courts to judge the case based on the reasonable woman standard as opposed to the reasonable man. The 1991 Act also places the burden of proof on the employer, rather than the employee. â€Å"Indeed, the Civil Rights Act of 1991 and other recent court decisions have given women new clout in the workplace† (Morris 61). An example of this clout is the intense publicity surrounding the Anita Hill v. Clarence Thomas hearing. Hill, a black law professor at the University of Oklahoma, electrified the nation when she charged that Clarence Thomas, then a Supreme Court nominee, had sexually harassed her when she worked for him in the early 1980s. Hill testified before the all-male Senate Judiciary Committee about her discomfort when Thomas insisted on describing pornographic movies and made sexual advances. An all-white and all-male Senate sought to discredit Hill, some of who accused her of lying or being delusional, but her testimony elicited nationwide support. The Senate confirmed Thomas† actions were inappropriate, but Hill†s testimony was almost entirely disregarded. The hearing angered women, especially those who had suffered similar experiences of sexual harassment in the workplace, and it also empowered many others to come forward with similar allegations. â€Å"The furor that ensued was just the fuel need to pass the Civil Rights Act of 1991† (Stith 187). In recent litigation, women have begun testing the extent of their employment rights beyond the rights guaranteed to them in the Civil Rights Acts. An example of this is a group of eight women employees of the Stroh Brewery Company in Detroit. These women charged that their employer had created a working environment that was hostile to women. As part of their allegation, they pointed to sexually offensive commercials that Stroh†s aired featuring the Swedish bikini team, scantily clad young women with large breasts. The Stroh plaintiffs contended that the ads were proof that the company sanctions sexism. â€Å"The company has defended its ads as simple entertainment protected by the First Amendment†s guarantee of free speech† (Vilanch 7). The plaintiffs in the Stroh case won their lawsuit and created a landmark decision for challenges of this type, particularly due to the fact the courts must now decide based on the reasonable woman. Although the presence of strong laws is powerful ammunition to fight to eliminate discrimination in the workplace, litigation is not the most effective solution to the problem. Women who experience workplace discrimination are often reluctant to file official complaints for a variety of reasons including; feelings of inadequacy, fear of reprisal, and fear of being labeled troublemakers. Some women also fear retaliation from their employers as well. In regard to the latter, other women simply do not have the money to carry out a lawsuit that may take years to settle or reach court. In sexual harassment lawsuits, the prospect of going to trial is enough to scare off many women, particularly once they realize how vulnerable their credibility is in legal matters concerning sexual activity. â€Å"Many labor experts believe women are held back from jobs because of subtle sexual harassment. Only the concerted efforts of enlightened companies, not litigation, can eradicate this form of injustice† (Morrison 15). One enlightened company, Du Pont, has made efforts to help women managers overcome the glass ceiling. Du Pont has established a staff position to focus on advancing the careers of promising women and minorities. â€Å"If a division is looking for the manager of affirmative action and upward mobility then Du Pont is the example to follow† (Gallagher 88). Such a staff position is needed to provide support, counseling, and advocacy for women who find their career advancement has stalled due to subtle discrimination. Despite the efforts of some companies, gender diversity is still sorely lacking in Corporate America. A recent study revealed that of America†s 500 largest companies, women held only 10 percent of the top executive positions. â€Å"For all the bravado of the past decade, women in most organizations are not much further along. The glass ceiling has not shattered† (Himelstein 64). Although some companies are diversifying their executive workforces, most companies prefer to initiate these diversity efforts on their own, rather than being forced into it by legislative quotas or affirmative action. For example, Coopers and Lybrand, whose all-male corporate management committee was confronted by its female employees last year, regarding the absence of women in management, preferred to resolve the situation themselves. At issue, was the fact that women only accounted for 8 percent of the firms† 1,300 partners and only 3 percent of the firm†s 70 regional managers. The confrontation which occurred during a management meeting where it was revealed that gender myths about women†s performance as managers still persisted. For instance, the male partners assumed that the women were reluctant to engage in business travel and informal business gatherings. As a result of the confrontation, Coopers and Lybrand initiated programs to address diversity issues. These programs included mentoring and formal training. â€Å"Coopers and Lybrand proclaimed that 30 percent of their new partners by the year 2000 would be women, up from 17 percent in 1999† (Glover 16). Eliminating the glass ceiling requires zealous planning efforts by corporations that are committed to diversity. The first step involves setting goals. â€Å"A few companies are achieving success in the battle to get women into the executive suit. They have backed sound strategies with effort, money, and long term commitment† (Weiss 191). Various companies base their goals on census data, desiring their workforce to reflect the gender demographics of the surround region, while other companies eschew quotas and internal goals, but seek the same results, increased diversity. Diversity goals can help but women into the pipeline through the hiring process. The presence of women in senior positions tends to attract women who hold similar aspirations. Once employed, women must receive the training that will allow them to move into the corporate ranks. For example, Colgate-Palmolive favors fast tracking its employees through cross training. Cross training exposes the employee to a variety of functions within the organization; the broad base of knowledge acquired is critical to success as a future manager. The efforts that corporations are putting into diversifying their workforces is bearing fruit. An example is J.C. Pennys, which initiated a drive in 1988 to fill 1,000 management positions (created by the relocation of company headquarters) with qualified women. After setting numerical goals and establishing formal networking and mentoring programs. â€Å"Pennys was able to increase its percentage of senior managers who are women from less than 12 percent in 1990 to more than 35 percent by 1997† (WIBC 103). The glass ceiling that prevents women from advancing to top positions will only be shattered by the combined efforts of political activists and the private sector. Strong legislation provides women with the power they need to litigate unfair employment practices. Private sector initiatives help create a climate that is supportive for women to develop their skills and make it to the top. Women have made key victories, both in the political arena and in Corporate America. Thousands of women managers are in the pipeline and on the right track to assume their rightful places in the ranks of corporate executives. If current efforts bear fruit, the glass ceiling will no longer be a limiting factor for women of the 21st century. How to cite Political Forces in the Glass Ceiling, Essay examples